Causes of Disputes and Conflicts


By
Michelle Maiese


October 2003
 


At the core of most intractable conflicts are deeply rooted divisions affecting parties' fundamental interests, needs and values. These include irreconcilable moral values, matters of justice and human rights, high-stakes distributional issues, unmet human needs, and issues of identity. Such conflicts tend to be protracted and have very damaging effects.

Introduction

Intractable conflicts are ones that remain unresolved for long periods of time and then become stuck at a high level of intensity and destructiveness. They typically involve many parties and concern an intricate set of historical, religious, cultural, political, and economic issues.[1] These matters are central to human social existence and typically resist any attempts at resolution. In fact, parties often refuse to negotiate or compromise with respect to such issues. As a result, each side views the rigid position of the other as a threat to its very existence. They may develop a mutual fear of each other and a profound desire to inflict as much physical and psychological harm on each other as possible.[2] This sense of threat and hostility often pervades the everyday lives of the parties involved and overrides their ability to recognize any shared concerns they might have.



Additional insights into the underlying causes of intractable conflicts are offered by Beyond Intractability project participants.

As conflict escalates, any tangible issues may become embedded within a larger set of values, beliefs, identities, and cultures. Disputes about land, money, or other resources may take on increased symbolic significance.[3] Over the course of conflict, the original issues can even become irrelevant as new causes for conflict are generated by actions within the conflict itself. Those on opposing sides come to view each other as enemies and may resort to highly destructive means. Eventually, the parties become unable to separate different issues and may see no way out of the conflict other than through total victory or defeat.[4]

Why do some conflicts become intractable? Many describe intractability in terms of the destructive relationship dynamics that govern the adversaries' interaction. For example, if one party resorts to inhumane treatment in waging conflict, this deepens antagonism and may lead the opposing side to seek revenge.[5] Likewise, when extremist political leaders appeal to ethno-nationalist ideology to arouse fear, this may increase support for the use of violence and contribute to intractability. Other factors that make some conflicts extremely difficult to resolve include the vast numbers of people involved, the large number of complex issues to be resolved, and a previous history of violent confrontation. But what are the underlying causes of these destructive conflict dynamics?

What is common to all intractable conflicts is that they involve interests or values that the disputants regard as critical to their survival. These underlying causes include parties' moral values, identities, and fundamental human needs. Because conflicts grounded in these issues involve the basic molds for thought and action within given communities and culture, they are usually not resolvable by negotiation or compromise.[6] This is because the problem in question is one that cannot be resolved in a win-win way. If one value system is followed, another is threatened. If one nation controls a piece of land, another does not. If one group is dominant, another is subordinate.

While sharing is possible in theory, contending sides usually regard compromise as a loss. This is especially true in societies where natural fear and hatred is so ingrained that opposing groups cannot imagine living with or working cooperatively with the other side. Instead, they are often willing to take whatever means necessary to ensure group survival and protect their way of life. Below are brief summaries of some of the central underlying causes of intractable conflict.

Moral Conflicts

In general, conflicts over intolerable moral differences tend to be intractable and long-lasting.[7] The substantive issues are often a matter of rigidly held moral beliefs, based in fundamental assumptions that cannot be proven wrong.[8] These fundamental moral, religious, and personal values are not easily changed, and people who adhere to a particular ideology may very well be unwilling to compromise their world view. In addition, because parties to such conflicts often have great difficulty in describing the substantive issues in shared terms, they will find it difficult to reach some sort of compromise even if they are willing.

Such conflicts tend to result from a clash between differing world views. One group's most fundamental and cherished assumptions about the best way to live may differ radically from the values held by another group.[9] Parties may have different standards of rightness and goodness and give fundamentally different answers to serious moral questions.[10] When groups have different ideas about the good life, they often stress the importance of different things, and may develop radically different or incompatible goals. In some cases, one group may regard the beliefs and actions of another group as so fundamentally evil that they exceed the bounds of tolerance and require active, committed opposition. (This is the case with parties on both sides of the abortion controversy in the United States , for example.) Because values and morals tend to be quite stable, people are often unwilling to negotiate or compromise with respect to these topics. Indeed, if the basic substantive issues of the conflict are deeply embedded in the participants' moral orders, these issues are likely to be non-negotiable.[11] Parties to such conflicts tend to have great difficulty in imagining a win-win resolution.

Those involved in moral conflict may even regard perpetuation of the conflict as virtuous or necessary. They may derive part of their identity from being warriors or opponents of their enemy and have a stake in the continuation of the conflict because it provides them with a highly desirable role.[12] In addition, because struggles over values often involve claims to status and power, parties may have a great stake in neutralizing, injuring or eliminating their rivals. They may view any compromise about their most cherished values as a threat to their basic human needs and their sense of identity. In intractable conflicts, the continuation of a conflict may seem preferable to what would have to be given up in order to accommodate the other party.[13]

Issues of Justice

Because the desire for justice is one that people tend to be unwilling to compromise, assertions of injustice often lead to intractable conflicts as well. An individual's sense of justice is connected to the norms, rights, and entitlements that are thought to underlie decent human treatment. If there is a perceived discrepancy between what a person obtains, what she wants, and what she believes she is entitled to, she may come to believe she is being deprived of the benefits she deserves.[14] This can occur when either a procedure or outcome is viewed as unfair. When people believe that they have been treated unfairly, they may try to "get even" or challenge those who have treated them unjustly.

Indeed, a sense of injustice often motivates aggression or retaliation. Individuals may come to view violence as the only way to address the injustice they have suffered and ensure that their fundamental needs are met. This is especially likely if no procedures are in place to correct the oppressive social structures or bring about retributive or restorative justice. However, the powerful often respond by attempting to quell the disturbance and maintain the status quo.[15] This can lead to ongoing violent conflict.

Conflicts that center on issues of justice tend to be intractable in part because reaching an agreement about what qualifies as injustice is often exceedingly difficult. Those who benefit from injustice often perpetuate it, often without being fully aware that they are contributing to injustice. Not surprisingly, victims are typically more sensitive to injustice than victimizers.[16] What seems fair to one person may not seem fair to another, and these perceptions are often affected by self-interest. However, parties often speak of justice in absolute terms, as some independent and objective standard of fairness that can be used to determine who is right.[17]

Not surprisingly, once one group has framed the conflict in terms of justice, it becomes much more difficult to resolve. If one or both groups advance their claim as a matter of justice, moderate positions become less likely. Parties who believe they have suffered injustice may claim a higher moral ground for themselves, hardening their position to the point of inflexibility.[18] People are typically unwilling to compromise on justice issues, or even enter into dialogue with those whose points of view differ from their own.[19] Negotiation and problem solving thus become more difficult, and actual interests are obscured as the conflict becomes framed as win-lose.[20] People who believe that their cause is just are unlikely to back down or to begin the process of forgiveness and reconciliation.

In fact, those who feel they have been the victims of injustice or unfair treatment may grow extremely angry and feel justified in seeking revenge. Or, they may blame members of the other group and denigrate them as morally inferior, paving the way for dehumanization and more violence.[21] This may simply lead to further injustice and cause the conflict to escalate out of control. If vengeance becomes the primary goal, attention may be shifted away from addressing the central justice issues that gave rise to conflict in the first place.

Rights

Rights-based grievances likewise contribute to intractability. A dispute begins when one person or group makes a claim or demand on another who rejects it. One way to resolve disputes is to rely on some independent standard of perceived legitimacy or fairness.[22] However, if both groups advance their claim as a "right," moderate positions become less likely and it becomes difficult to compromise or reach consensus. Rights talk can foreclose "further communication with those whose points of view differ from our own."[23] This is in part because people treat rights-based arguments as "trump cards" that neutralize all other positions. A tendency towards absolute formulations in rights talk promotes unrealistic expectations and increases the likelihood of conflict. It also ignores social costs and the rights of others, and inhibits dialogue that might lead to the discovery of common ground or compromise.[24] For example, abortion is typically framed as pitting two interests against each other in an all-or-nothing contest. This sort of absolute, win-lose framing is typically not conducive to problem solving.

People's assumptions that they are entitled to certain rights can also result in self-centeredness. Transforming something into a right gives bearers of the supposed right the ability to demand its realization from those who have a "duty" to realize it.[25] However, such demands may make it more difficult to modify one's claims in the face of reasonable claims of others. Indeed, rights talk often leads parties to forget that their liberties are limited by the stipulation that they do not harm others.[26] When parties do not balance their rights claims against the rights of others, their conflict is likely to become intractable.

Linked to justice issues, many have noted the strong interdependence between human rights violations and intractable conflict. Violations of political and economic rights are the root causes of many crisis situations, which in turn generate further human rights abuses. When rights to adequate food, housing, employment and cultural life are denied, and large groups of people are excluded from the society's decision-making processes, there is likely to be great social unrest. Such conditions often give rise to justice conflicts, in which parties demand that their basic needs be met. Indeed, many conflicts are sparked or spread by violations of human rights. For example, massacres or torture may inflame hatred and strengthen an adversary's determination to continue fighting. Violations may also lead to further violence from the other side, and can contribute to a conflict's spiraling out of control.

On the flip side, armed conflict often leads to the breakdown of infrastructure and civic institutions, which in turn undermines a broad range of rights. When hospitals and schools are closed, rights to adequate health and education are threatened. The collapse of economic infrastructure often results in pollution, food shortages, and overall poverty.[27] The breakdown of government institutions results in denials of civil rights, including the rights to privacy, fair trial, and freedom of movement. In many cases, the government is increasingly militarized, and police and judicial systems are terribly corrupted. Abductions, arbitrary arrests, detentions without trial, political executions, assassinations, and torture often follow.

These various forms of economic breakdown and oppression violate rights to self-determination and often contribute to further human tragedy in the form of sickness, starvation, and lack of shelter. In cases where extreme violations of human rights have occurred, it is difficult to carry out peace negotiations or begin the reconciliation process.[28] This is because it is difficult for parties to move toward conflict transformation and forgiveness when memories of severe violence and atrocity are still in their minds.

Unmet Human Needs

Human needs theorists argue that many intractable conflicts are caused by the lack of provision of fundamental human needs. These include basic needs for food, water, and shelter as well as more complex needs for safety, security, self-esteem, and personal fulfillment.[29] These more complex needs center on the capacity to exercise choice in all aspects of one's life and to have one's identity and cultural values accepted as legitimate. The need for both distributive justice and the ability to participate in civil society are also crucial. All of these needs are fundamental requirements for human development.[30] Thus, while interests can be negotiated when they come into conflict, needs cannot.

Various types of structural violence jeopardize individuals' physical safety and security. Poverty, environmental degradation, poor health care, and lack of adequate housing often lead to the denial of their basic needs for dignity, safety, and control over their lives.[31] Likewise, conflicts that develop around issues of identity, ethnicity, religion, or culture are often grounded in unmet human needs. Because all individuals are driven to fulfill these essential needs, they will fight indefinitely to achieve them and will not give up until their goal is attained. Indeed, individuals, groups and entire societies are affected by peoples' unstoppable drive to fulfill unmet human needs.[32] For example, the conflict between Israel and Palestine involves the threatened identity of individuals as well as groups and nations. A deep-rooted and intractable conflict has grown out of both groups' unmet need for recognition and security.

Identity Issues

Identity is one of the fundamental human needs that underlies many intractable conflicts. Conflicts over identity arise when group members feel that their sense of self is threatened or denied legitimacy and respect. Because identity is integral to one's self-esteem and how one interprets the rest of the world, any threat to identity is likely to produce a strong response. Typically this response is both aggressive and defensive, and can escalate quickly into an intractable conflict. Because threats to identity are not easily put aside, such conflicts tend to persist.

Intractable conflicts are often maintained by the development of polarized collective identities among group members.[33] Group memberships form along the lines of nationality, ethnicity, race, religion, or whatever other categories are relevant to the conflict. Individuals identify with those in their own group and begin to organize against those in the opposing group. While collective identities may initially form around issues such as resisting oppressive social structures or staking claims to territory, they eventually take on meaning and value of their own. As the conflict escalates, the opposing groups become increasingly polarized and develop hostility towards those in the out-group. A high level of in-group identification, together with a high degree of perceived threat from the other group, leads to a basic impulse to preserve oneself and destroy the opponent.[34]

Identity is the primary issue in most racial and ethnic conflicts. It is also a key issue in many gender and family conflicts, when men and women disagree on the proper role or "place" of the other, or children disagree with their parents about who is in control of their lives and how they present themselves to the outside world. These conflicts center on matters of security, fair treatment, and a sense of control over one's life.[35] Because identity-based concerns are tied to fundamental human needs, conflicts surrounding identity often threaten parties' very existence. Such conflicts are typically more intense than interest-based conflicts. This is because the issues in interest-based conflicts are typically more clearly defined and have greater potential for compromise. Identity conflicts, on the other hand, are based on people's psychology, culture, basic values, shared history, and beliefs. These issues tend to be more abstract and are connected to people's basic needs for survival.

In addition, rigid collective identities may make it more difficult for groups to compromise. When they feel that another group poses a threat to their authority or legitimacy, they may lash out. Those in the out-group may be excluded, which limits contact between identity groups and contributes to the development of negative stereotypes and intergroup violence.[36] Parties view their adversaries as evil or even nonhuman and regard their views and feelings as unworthy of attention. Because merely sitting down with the opponent can be seen as a threat to one's own identity, even beginning efforts at reconciliation can be extremely difficult. Furthermore, the negation of the opposing group often becomes a fundamental aspect of one's own identity.[37] During the Cold War, for example, an important aspect of identity for many United States citizens was being anti-Communist.

Some identity conflicts are grounded in nationalism. Nationalism as an ideology affirms the existence of peoples or nations whose members share a common history and destiny. Nationalist sentiments often lead individuals to see their own group or nation as superior to other groups. This can also lead group members to denigrate or dominate other peoples and countries. Because any challenges to one's nation are regarded as a threat to one's very existence, nationalism can act as a source of intractable conflict.

Finally, intractable identity conflicts typically involve a history of colonialism, ethnocentrism, or racism and emerge out of a history of domination and perceived injustice. Colonization, in particular, often has serious socio-economic and moral implications that tend to persist. Where there is a severe imbalance of power, the more powerful party may exploit or abuse the less powerful party.[38] Minority groups may be denied effective political participation or lack opportunities for cultural expression. If their identity is denied or simply unrecognized by the majority, these oppressed groups may recognize these power hierarchies as unjust and rebel against them.[39] This leads to intractable conflict.

High-Stakes Distributional Issues

Conflicts surrounding who gets what and how much they get also tend to be intractable. The items to be distributed include tangible resources such as money, land, or better jobs, as well as intangible resources such as social status. If there are plenty of resources available, then everyone simply takes what they need and no conflict develops. However, when there is not enough of a given resource to satisfy everyone's needs or wants, and no more can be found or created, the conflict becomes a "win-lose" situation. The more one party gets, the less the other party gets (or the more he or she "loses"). When the item in question is very important or valuable, these conflicts tend to become very intractable.

For example, conflicts over water in arid lands are high-stakes classic distributional conflicts. In the Western United States, as well as many other arid regions, water is extremely valuable, as life cannot exist without it. Because there is not enough water to go around, endless conflicts arise about who gets what amount of water for what purpose. Although individual disputes get resolved, another dispute over the same water will almost certainly arise again later on.

Domination conflicts are a special type of high-stakes distributional conflict in which the resource to be distributed is social status. Because most groups want to be on top of the social, economic, and/or political hierarchy, there is often a perpetual struggle between those at the top and those at the bottom. Conflicts over social status can occur between individuals or between nations. Because issues of social status are connected to matters of unequal economic power, the divide between the rich and poor has contributed to intractable conflict both within nations and across international society as a whole. These conflicts tend to be very difficult to resolve because no one wants to be on the bottom, and few are willing to share the top level of the social hierarchy.

While those in weaker positions want to gain more power and reverse the relationship, those with the most power do not wish to give up the benefits associated with their position. Unless those people at the top are willing to share their privileges with everyone else, such conflicts are likely to continue. Even if those with low social or economic status are able to reverse the situation and assume a leadership position, the conflict will continue as the new group on the bottom strives to gain status.


[1] Peter Coleman, "Intractable Conflict," in The Handbook of Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice, eds. Morton Deutsch and Peter Coleman, (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Inc., 2000), 428.

[2] Coleman, "Intractable Conflict," 430.

[3] Peter Coleman, "Characteristics of Protracted, Intractable Conflict: Towards the Development of a Meta-Framework," forthcoming, 27.

[4] Coleman, "Characteristics of Protracted, Intractable Conflict," 29.

[5] Louis Kriesberg, "Intractable Conflicts," in The Handbook of Interethnic Coexistence, ed. Eugene Weiner, (New York: Continuum Publishing Co., 1998), 334.

[6] Coleman, "Characteristics of Protracted, Intractable Conflict," 20.

[7] W. Barnett Pearce and Stephen W. Littlejohn. Moral Conflict: When Social Worlds Collide. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Inc., 1997), 68.

[8] David P. Barash and Charles P. Webel. Peace and Conflict Studies. ( California : Sage Publications, 2002), 234.

[9] Pearce and Littlejohn, 49.

[10] Otomar J. Bartos and Paul Wehr. Using Conflict Theory. ( New York : Cambridge University Press, 2002), 41.

[11] Pearce and Littlejohn, 50.

[12] Pearce and Littlejohn, 70.

[13] Pearce and Littlejohn, 70.

[14] Morton Deutsch, "Justice and Conflict," in The Handbook of Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice, M. Deutsch and P. Coleman, eds. ( San Francisco : Jossey-Bass Publishers, 2000), 44.

[15] Coleman, "Characteristics of Protracted, Intractable Conflict," 16.

[16] Deutsch, 45.

[17] William Ury, J. Brett, and S. Goldberg, Getting Disputes Resolved: Designing Systems to Cut the Cost of Conflict. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1988), 7.

[18] Deutsch, 55.

[19] Mary Ann Glendon. Rights Talk. The Impoverishment of Political Discourse, reprint edition. (New York: Free Press, 1993), 9.

[20] Deutsch, 52.

[21] Deutsch, 55.

[22] William Ury, J. Brett, and S. Goldberg, Getting Disputes Resolved: Designing Systems to Cut the Cost of Conflict. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1988) 7.

[23] Mary Ann Glendon, Rights Talk. The Impoverishment of Political Discourse, reprint edition. (New York: Free Press, 1993), 9.

[24] Glendon, 14.

[25] Antonio Cassese. Human Rights in a Changing World. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990), 63.

[26] Amitai Etzioni. The Spirit of Community: Rights, Responsibilities, and the Communitarian Agenda. (New York: Crown Publishers, Inc., 1993), 7.

[27] "Human Rights Today: A United Nations Priority," The United Nations, 2000.

[available at: http://www.un.org/rights/HRToday/]

[28] Michel Veuthey, "International Humanitarian Law and the Restoration and Maintenance of Peace." African Security Review, Vol. 7, No. 5, Institute for Security Studies, 1998.[available at: http://www.iss.co.za/Pubs/ASR/7No5/InternationalHumanitarian.html]

[29] Jay Rothman. Resolving Identity-Based Conflict in Nations, Organizations, and Communities. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1997.

[30] John Burton. Conflict Resolution and Provention. New York: St. Martins Press, 1990.

[31] Coleman, "Intractable Conflict," 433.

[32] Terrell A. Northrup. "The Dynamic of Identity in Personal and Social Conflict." In Intractable Conflicts and their Transformation, ed. Louis Kriesberg, Terrell A. Northrup and Stuart J. Thorson, 55-82. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1989.

[33] Coleman, "Characteristics of Protracted, Intractable Conflict," 31.

[34] Ibid, 33.

[35] Coleman, "Intractable Conflict," 431.

[36] Coleman, "Characteristics of Protracted, Intractable Conflict," 29.

[37] Ibid, 33.

[38] Coleman, "Intractable Conflict," 433.

[39] Coleman, "Characteristics of Protracted, Intractable Conflict," 15.


Use the following to cite this article:
Maiese, Michelle. "Causes of Disputes and Conflicts." Beyond Intractability. Eds. Guy Burgess and Heidi Burgess. Conflict Research Consortium, University of Colorado, Boulder. Posted: October 2003 <http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/underlying_causes/>.

Sources of Additional, In-depth Information on this Topic

Additional Explanations of the Underlying Concepts:

Online (Web) Sources

The Ambivalence of the Sacred: Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation. Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, 1999.
Available at:
http://wwics.si.edu/subsites/ccpdc/pubs/apple/toc.htm.

"Terrorists and peacemakers may grow up in the same community and adhere to the same religious tradition. The killing carried out by one and the reconciliation fostered by the other indicate the range of dramatic and contradictory responses to human suffering by religious actors. Yet religion's ability to inspire violence is intimately related to its equally impressive power as a force for peace, especially in the growing number of conflicts around the world that involve religious claims and religiously inspired combatants. This book explains what religious terrorists and religious peacemakers share in common, what causes them to take different paths in fighting injustice, and how a deeper understanding of religious extremism can and must be integrated more effectively into our thinking about tribal, regional, and international conflict." - Editorial Review

Glaser, Tanya. "An Answer to War: Conflicts and Intervention in Contemporary International Relations-- Summary." University of Colorado-Boulder: Conflict Research Consortium, 1900.
Available at:
http://www.beyondintractability.org/articlesummary/10580/.

This summary covers a chapter authored by Roberto Toscano, from The Handbook of Interethnic Coexistence. In this chapter, the author argues that with the end of the Cold War, theorists need to shift their focus away from game theory, weapons systems and the "theology of deterrence" and instead focus on the mechanisms that can cause, prevent or stop conflicts. They must shift away from large-scale systematic interpretations which attribute conflicts to external forces. Instead they must recognize the polycentric, pluralistic nature of many contemporary conflicts.

Adan, Mohamud, Ruto Pkalya and Isabella Masinde. "Conflict in Northern Kenya: A Focus on the Internally Displaced Conflict Victims in Northern Kenya." Intermediate Technology Development Group, 2003.
Available at:
Click here for more info.

This case study describes the nature of violent conflicts in the Northern districts of Kenya. It describes the causes and consequences attached to the conflicts, the actors involved and preventative measures that can be used to transform and prevent these violent episodes.

Burton, John W. "Conflict Resolution: The Human Dimension." International Journal of Peace Studies, Vol. 3, No. 1 , 1998
Available at:
http://www.gmu.edu/academic/ijps/vol3_1/burton.htm.

Burton describes Human Needs Theory explaining that needs, rather than interests, are often the root cause of long term conflicts.

Harris, Peter and Benjamin Reilly. Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict .
Available at:
Click here for more info.
This is the opening chapter of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Asisstance's online book, "Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict". This piece discusses the factors that tend to be in play in particularly difficult-to-resolve conflicts.

Crawford, Beverly and Ronnie Lipschutz. "Policy Brief 2: "Ethnic" Conflict Isn't." , March 1995
Available at:
http://igcc.ucsd.edu/pdf/policybriefs/pb02.pdf.

In this policy brief, the authors point out that "ethnic" and "sectarian" conflict are not caused by ethnicity or religion. Such conflicts occur when a country's "social contract" comes under pressure from both internal and external forces. When the global economy pressures governments to engage in rapid political and economic reform, ethnic and sectarian entrepreneurs mobilize constituencies around ethnic or religious differences in an attempt to grab or restore positions of power and wealth. Avoiding future episodes of "ethnic and sectarian conflict" requires early warning systems and intervention in societies undergoing rapid and destabilizing economic and political transitions.

Stewart, Frances. Root Causes of Violent Conflict in Developing Countries.
Available at:
http://www.bmj.com/cgi/content/full/324/7333/342.
This piece discusses cultural and economic factors existing in developing countries, which the author believes predispose populations in developing countries to violent conflict.

Offline (Print) Sources

Sandole, Dennis J. D. Capturing the Complexity of Conflict: Dealing With Violent Ethnic Conflicts in the Post-Cold War Era. Pinter Pub Ltd, April 1, 2000.
This book explores the terrain of ethnic conflicts in the post-cold war era, focusing specifically on the causes, conditions, and perpetuation of violent conflict and war.

Burton, John W. Conflict: Resolution and Provention. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, Inc., July 1990.
The author suggests that protracted conflict often arises out of unmet human needs. Conflict provention seeks to address the underlying systemic causes of conflict rather than merely dealing with its symptoms. It suggests that the best way to deal with serious social problems is to alter the structures of the social environments that give rise to these problems. Click here for more info.

Kupchan, Charles A. "Empires and Geopolitical Competition: Gone for Good?." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.
The author suggests that traditional power politics and geopolitical comepetition are still present in today's world. Democracy, international institutions, and the globalization of markets for trade and information may encourage rivalry among regions and contribute to instability.

Gleditsch, Nils. "Environmental Change, Security and Conflict." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.
This chapter looks at the expanding notion of security in international politics to include common and human security, with issues spanning the realms of political, economic and social, cultural and environmental security.

Brown, Michael E. "Ethnic and Internal Conflicts: Causes and Implications." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.
The author discusses various theories about the underlying causes of ethnic and internal conflicts and identifies the four types of cause commonly cited by scholars: structural, political, economic/social, and cultural. He suggests that more attention should be paid to the factors that trigger a conflict, particularly the actions of domestic elites. Because no single set of factors is responsible for every type of conflict, different policy response will be necessary in each case.

International Dimensions of Internal Conflict. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996.
This book analyzes the domestic, regional, and international dimensions of internal conflicts, looking beyond the 'ancient hatreds' interpretation of popular journalism to understand why such conflicts are occurring now and how they might be ameliorated. The first part of the book examines the sources of internal conflicts and the ways these may spill over or draw in neighboring states and the international community. The second part examines specific problems, policy instruments, and key actors including: the control of aggressive nationalism, the prevention of secessionist violence, and the resolution of civil wars; the roles of the media and nongovernmental organizations; arms limitations and economic sanctions; military challenges; the policies of the United States and the United Nations; and the prospects for collective action. The book recommends specific approaches to help prevent and moderate internal conflict and to limit its spread when it arises.

Coleman, Peter T. "Intractable Conflict." In The Handbook of Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice. Edited by Deutsch, Morton and Peter T. Coleman, eds. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass Publishers, 2000.
This article discusses the characteristics, causes, and consequences of intractable conflict as well as implications for how to address them. Its underlying causes include irreconcilable moral differences, high-stakes distributional issues, and issues of identity.

Northrup, Terrell A., Stuart J. Thorson and Louis Kriesberg, eds. Intractable Conflicts and their Transformations. New York: Syracuse University Press, 1989.
The editors bring together essays from a number of authors who explore intractability through diverse theoretical frameworks and case histories. In all of these essays, intractable conflicts are seen as resisting resolution, but are not considered "unresolvable." Click here for more info.

Deutsch, Morton. "Justice and Conflict." In The Handbook of Conflict Resolution: Theory and Practice. Edited by Coleman, Peter T. and Morton Deutsch, eds. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2000.
This chapter explores the various types of justice, the scope of justice, and how perceived injustice can serve as an underlying cause of intractable conflict.

Kaufman, Stuart. Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, July 2001.
This award-winning book presents an entirely new general theory of ethnic wars. The theory combines rational choice and psychological explanations into a symbolic politics theory in order to explain why people engage in ethnic warfare. The core assumption of the theory is that people make political choices based on emotion and in response to symbols. The author applies the theory to several cases from the former Soviet Union and the Balkans.

Pearce, W. Barnett and Stephen W. Littlejohn. Moral Conflict: When Social Worlds Collide. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, April 1997.
Moral Conflicts are passionate and difficult to resolve. Responses that are normally effective, such as explaining, persuading, and compromising, can make matters worse and drive people further apart in such conflicts. Moral conflicts occur when incommensurate social realities come to clash. In an original synthesis of communication theory and their own research, W. Barnett Pearce and Stephen W. Littlejohn describe a dialectical tension between the expression and suppression of conflict that can be transcended in ways that lead to personal growth and productive patterns of social action.

Glendon, Mary Ann. Rights Talk: The Impoverishment of Political Discourse. New York: Free Press, 1993.
Glendon argues that modern American political discourse encourages people to frame issues in terms of absolute individual rights. This impedes understanding and limits the extent to which parties engaged in conflict are willing to compromise. Rights talk in this way contributes to intractable conflict.

Howard, Michael. "The Causes of War." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.
Many have tried to develop a theory that will enable us to explain, understand, and control the phenomenon of war. Historically, however, war has been an acceptable and tolerable way of handling disputes. The author discusses the different causes that have driven parties to war throughout history and suggests that ultimately it is a reasoned decision made by both parties. They believe they can achieve more by going to war than by remaining at peace.

Northrup, Terrell A. "The Dynamic of Identity in Personal and Social Conflict." Intractable Conflicts and Their Transformation , October 1989.
In this essay Northrup argues that identity is always an important factor in conflictual relationships, as threats to identity can cause conflict or contribute to its intractability. The essay gives a definition and a thorough analysis of the concept of identity. Click here for more info.

Guehenno, Jean-Marie. "The Impact of Globalization on Strategy." In Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict. Edited by Crocker, Chester A., Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds. Herndon, VA: USIP Press, July 1, 2001.
In virtue of globalization, the separation between domestic and international affairs is collapsing and local interests cannot be isolated from more global concerns. Globalization in this way changes the nature of threats to be faced and creates a certain instability in the international community. Civil conflict and international terrorism are two threats that stand out.

Fisher, Ronald J. The Social Psychology of Intergroup Conflict and International Conflict Resolution. New York, NY: Spring-Verlag, January 1990.
The Social Psychology of Inter-group and International Conflict Resolution explores the "causation, escalation, de-escalation, and resolution" of inter-group conflicts from the perspective of social-psychology. Click here for more info.

Nafziger, E.W., Frances Stewart and R. Vayrynen, eds. War, Hunger and Displacement: The Origin of Humanitarian Emergencies--Volume One: Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.
The first volume of this work offers a collection of essays that explain the economic, political, and environmental factors that lead to international emergencies.

Cashman, Greg. What Causes War?: An Introduction to Theories of International Conflict. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, December 1, 1999.
This book contains a theoretical analysis of the causes of war and international conflict. It contains a review of the literature on the topic and includes multiple schools of thought.

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Examples Illustrating this Topic:

Online (Web) Sources

Karl, Terry. "Alarms and Responses: A Comparative Study of Contemporary International Efforts to Anticipate and Prevent Violent Conflicts - The Case of El Salvador." Conflict Early Warning Systems (CEWS).
Available at:
Click here for more info.

This essay gives a narrative account of the El Salvador conflict. It details the causes of the civil war, and gives specifics about the peace process. Furthermore, this essay explains why this conflict could have been predicted, and how timely intervention could have lessened or even prevented its occurrence.

Prendergast, John. Building for Peace in the Horn of Africa: Diplomacy and Beyond.
Available at:
http://www.usip.org/pubs/specialreports/sr990628.html.
This USIP report reviews thematically the causes of conflicts in the Horn of Africa region, analyzes current efforts at resolving these wars, and provides an alternative framework of engagement that goes beyond diplomacy and is aimed at building the institutional basis for future peace.

Weiss, Joshua N. "Disastrous Balancing Act: The Beginning of Cambodia's Misery." Online Journal of Peace and Conflict Resolution, Vol. 1, No. 1 , March 1998
Available at:
http://www.trinstitute.org/ojpcr/1_1weiss.htm.

The purpose of this paper is to seek to explain how the beginning of the Cambodian conflict under Prince Norodom Sihanouk set the stage for some of the worst mass violence the world ever witnessed -- that of the Khmer Rouge (KR) era. Throughout the course of this paper critical questions will be addressed, in hopes of gaining an understanding of how intractable conflicts begin and sustain themselves over long periods of time.

Homer-Dixon, Thomas and Valerie Percival. "Environmental Scarcity and Violent Conflict: The Case of Rwanda." ,
Available at:
http://www.library.utoronto.ca/pcs/eps/rwanda/rwanda1.htm.

A case study of environmental factors that lead to civil war in Rwanda.

"Moldova Narrative: Origins and Background Conditions of the Moldova / Niester Conflict." Conflict Early Warning Systems (CEWS), 1900.
Available at:
http://www.usc.edu/dept/LAS/ir/cews/database/Moldova/moldova.pdf.

This essays offers insights into the Moldova  Niester conflict by: providing historical facts about the area; explaining the multi-dimensional cultural and social aspects of the conflict; and detailing the emergence of the conflict following independence from Soviet Russia.

Padilla, Luis Alberto. "Prevention Successes and Failures: Peace-making and Conflict Transformation in Guatemala." Conflict Early Warning Systems (CEWS), 1900.
Available at:
Click here for more info.

This essay examines the causes of the conflict in Guatemala, and details the subsequent peace process. It also looks at factors associated with this conflict that can be used to better understand how conflicts can be prevented or transformed.

Havermans, Jos. "Rwanda: Rwandan Crisis Lingers on." , 1999
Available at:
Click here for more info.

This is an article about the on going conflicts in Rwanda.

Boutwell, Jeffrey and Thomas Homer-Dixon. The Project on Environmental Scarcities, State Capacity, and Civil Violence. Peace & Conflict Studies Program at the University of Toronto.
Available at:
http://www.library.utoronto.ca/pcs/state.htm.
Project examines the linkages between weak states, civil wars, and resource scarcity. Finds that most problems revolve around elite control over scarce resources not scarcity itself as a direct causal variable.

Offline (Print) Sources

Ganguly, Sumit. "Explaining the Kashmir Insurgency: Political Mobilization and Institutional Decay." International Security 21:2, 1996.
This article provides a detailed account of the historical origins of the insurgency among parties to the Kashmir conflict between Indian and Pakistani ethno-nationalist factions. The author considers some general explanations of ethnic conflict and others of the Kashmir conflict in particular. Then the author offers an alternative explanation, which accounts for the outbreak of insurgency as well as its timing. This theory contends that the interlinked forces of political mobilization and institutional decay best explain the insurgency in Kashmir.

Starr, Harvey, ed. Understanding and Management of Global Violence: New Approaches to Theory and Research on Protracted Conflict. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, September 1999.
The essays in this edited volume approach social conflict through the study of "protracted conflict", or conflicts that are long-term and permeate all aspects of society. The work attempts to understand contemporary global politics and conflict by looking across levels of analysis, from international, to transnational to domestic behavior. The approach is grounded in two-level analysis, focusing on the analysis of crisis and the nature of identity groups and enduring rivalries. Included are examinations of Israel, the Palestinians, and Lebanon; the Philippines, Nicaragua; Sri Lanka, India and Pakistan; and Northern Ireland.

Cavanaugh, Kathleen A. "Understanding Protracted Social Conflict: A Basic Needs Approach." In Reconcilable Differences: Turning Points in Ethnopolitical Conflict. Edited by Irvin, Cynthia L. and Sean Byrne, eds. West Hartford, CT: Kumarian Press, Inc., 2000.
According to a needs-based approach to conflict analysis and resolution, conflict is rooted in the denial of basic human needs such as identity-recognition and security. The author applies such an approach to the Northern Ireland case and suggests that unmet needs have contributed to the sociopolitical instability of the region since 1968.

Stewart, Frances, R. Vayrynen and E.W. Nafziger, eds. War, Hunger and Displacement: The Origin of Humanitarian Emergencies--Volume Two: Case Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.
The second volume of this work presents in-depth case studies of thirteen conflicts that occurred as a result of political or economic weakness within a state.

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Audiovisual Materials on this Topic:

Online (Web) Sources

The Mideast: A Century of ConflictPart 1: Theodor Herzl and the First Zionist Congress. NPR. September 30, 2002.
Available at:
http://www.npr.org/news/specials/mideast/history/history1.html.

This audio clip discusses the initial proposition by Theodor Herzl to create a Jewish state. The political movement that was created to help pursue the Jewish state was Zionism.

The Mideast: A Century of ConflictPart 2: The Balfour Declaration and the British Mandate. NPR. October 1, 2002.
Available at:
http://www.npr.org/news/specials/mideast/history/index.html.

This audio clip discusses the creation of Israel under British control in Palestine. Violence broke out between the Zionist settlers and the indigenous Palestinian Arabs from the very beginning.

Offline (Print) Sources

A Republic Gone Mad: Rwanda 1894-1994. Directed and/or Produced by: de Heusch, Luc and Kathleen de Bethune. First Run Icarus Films. 1996.
This film delves into the history of Rwanda to tell the story of how colonization impacted ethnic relations between the Hutu and Tutsi. Click here for more info.

Daresalam / Let There Be Peace. Directed and/or Produced by: Coelo, Issa Serge . California Newsreel. 2000.
By focusing on a number of post-colonial Africa civil wars, this film elicits the core causes associated with them. Click here for more info.

Iran, Veiled Appearances. Directed and/or Produced by: Michel, Thierry. First Run Icarus Films. 2002.
This film depicts various members of the Iranian community as they relate their insights and stories concerning the conflict between extreme fundamentalists and young people, who are pushing for social change. Click here for more info.

Yugoslavia: Origins of a War . Directed and/or Produced by: Talczewski, Christophe. First Run Icarus Films. 1992.
This film highlights historical factors and key issues associated with conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. Click here for more info.

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Copyright © 2007 Julie Morton, Conflict Information Consortium, University of Colorado